Tinubu and end of Village Tree Democracy

The market square humiliation of incumbent governor of Lagos, Akinwunmi Ambode, was excruciating to watch even for a non-supporter.

It was a ‘power show’ by Bola Ahmed Tinubu. A demonstration that two decades after ‘great minds think alike’ billboards stood on major Lagos streets – a baseless comparison of himself to Awolowo and Gandhi, except for round-eyed glasses – his ability to steer voters in his preferred direction hasn’t waned.

I’m mindful that it’s usually an overestimation when an individual is said to have such power over society. Nevertheless, it’s undeniable that Tinubu’s opinions hold sway in Lagos.

Indeed, how Tinubu came about that political power, and how it can be brought to an end, is what I intend to interrogate.

Majority of Lagos residents are Yoruba. Like many African sub-nationalities, they hold as ideal that, although individual need is self-evident, community need shall supersede. This is argued convincingly by Professor Segun Gbadegesin – what he terms ‘individuality-in-community’ – in seminal book African Philosophy: Traditional Yoruba Philosophy and Contemporary African Realities.

Even, folklore Yoruba tell to their young to shape ‘iwa’ [character], are of Ogun, Moremi or Lisabi, to mention a few. All of whom acted selflessly to solve communal problems.

Yoruba are also convinced ‘ika o d’ogba’ [fingers aren’t equal]. And when applying to society – perhaps a kind of meritocracy – they select individuals, adjudged capable, and task them with solving community needs. He or she is then venerated when they deliver.

Mention Awolowo, or Jakande, and the average Yoruba casts their head obliquely in nostalgia. The first championed ‘Yoruba cause’ in Nigeria’s inevitable pre-independence tussle [1945–60] through socio-cultural group: Egbe Omo Oduduwa. While the latter is, so far, considered best governor of Lagos [1979–83] by socialist programmes: ‘Jakande Estates’, General Hospitals, Community Schools and Lagos State University.

A common counsel to Yoruba monarchs is ‘Oba to ba je ti ilu toro, oruko re oni parun’ [A monarch whose era the people associates with peace and prosperity shall forever be remembered].

Bringing us to Tinubu. As governor of Lagos (1999–07), he took on a communal battle, too. It had been long considered an injustice that Kano state in northern Nigeria, said similar to Lagos population-wise, curiously, has more administrative local governments. And, thereby, can legitimately claim more statutory allocation than Lagos from the federation’s purse.

Although Tinubu failed in that mission, it endeared him to Lagosians. This rapport deepened when Lagos’s statutory allocation was punitively withheld by President Obasanjo over the matter. And Tinubu managed to stay afloat by aggressive taxation, and symbiotic relationship with the Lagos Chapter of National Union of Road and Transport Workers (NURTW) that, through an efficient chain of ‘Agbero’ [‘Area Boys’], extort toll from the city’s danfo drivers, okada riders and market traders.

It’s this Faustian bargain Tinubu made with Lagos Area Boys that has contributed immensely to his political longevity. Those considered ‘never-do-wells’ in society, for a first time in the state’s history, perhaps even Yoruba’s, had been brought into the decision-making room.

Multimillionaires today, Lagos NURTW ‘Area Fathers’ – e.g. MC Oluomo and Tajudeen Agbede – understand their newfound status is guaranteed by Tinubu’s political relevance, and spare nothing to ‘deliver’ their local governments in whatever direction Tinubu dictates. They organise the intimidation of political opponents and their supporters and ballot-snatching on Election Day.

There’s also that contrived title ‘Asiwaju’ [Foremost leader] of Lagos. By which Tinubu tricks Lagosians into seeing him as a towering political figure, almost parallel to Oba of Lagos. And not forgetting that good vibe Fuji album, ‘New Lagos’, by musician, K1 de Ultimate – which becomes an earworm – reassuring you Tinubu is best thing that happened to the city. Tinubu has so much flourished politically that, at gatherings, admirers now, in a cultish manner, sing anthem to him: ‘On Your Mandate We Shall Stand!’

Now that we’ve identified Tinubu’s political power hinges on Yoruba culture, clever ‘Image Management’ and violence. We’re left with the question: how will this Colossus of modern Lagos politics get flattened?

From brief assessment of Yoruba philosophy above, it won’t be hasty to say the people’s preferred way of addressing social issues is ‘elite consensus’. Yoruba abhor public criticism - lifeblood of liberal democracy. Perhaps explaining flirtation with oxymoronic ‘one-party democracy’ today. Best described as ‘Village Tree democracy’ in Anthony Enahoro’s memoir Fugitive Offender. Communities gathering under Baobab trees to air grievances to their monarch and elders; and whatever solution these unelected ‘wise heads’ proffer become binding on all.

Since cultural evolution is slow, anyone willing to turn away faces of Lagos Yoruba from Tinubu must take on a metaphoric dragon that has taunted the city, and slay it.

Jimi Agbaje – himself a member of the elite – has come against the Tinubu and Area Boys political machine twice, and lost. But on Agbaje’s second outing in 2015. When, alongside his ‘bold ideas’ manifesto, freeing the city from Tinubu’s vice-like grip was thrust of his campaign, especially ending Alphabeta’s clandestine ‘consulting’ contract, the margin was significantly closer between him and the winner, Ambode.

This shows a substantial number of Lagosians already see through Tinubu’s well-crafted political image. More Lagosians are now growing intolerant of excesses of Area Boys, like the recent murders at Oshodi.

  

Agbaje is making a third attempt at office of Lagos governor in 2019; against a Tinubu political structure that’s in disarray over Ambode’s mistreatment.

This time, besides talking about drawing lessons from comparative Sao Paulo, ‘Eko Contributory Health Insurance Scheme’ and ‘Oceans Economy’, Agbaje should add to his manifesto a technological replacement for ‘toll’ collection done by Area Boys. If Agbaje wins and deploys that technology, the scaffolding of Tinubu’s political structure would’ve been removed. And any other narcissist desirous to rebuild that network across the city’s 20 local governments will find it impossible to fund.

Agbaje should expect stiff resistance from the NURTW. But can rest assured Area Boys epidemic is a dragon Lagosians will love to see slain. This battle will excite Lagos Yoruba enough to turn out on Election Day. And we may, finally, see a Governor Agbaje. Also, end of Village Tree democracy in Lagos.